Post Quota Movement Bangladesh: Fairness for Women and Minorities

By: Mahmudun Nabi

October 3, 2024

Many refer to the months of recent events in Bangladesh as the “July Revolution.” Since the uprising the country continue to push into a state of social-economic chaos. But the stirrings were initially a protest movement against quotas guaranteeing government jobs to freedom fighters' children which morphed into more general demonstrations against political repression, social inequity and police brutality. But as the dust settles, the big question now is minority rights and development for women who appeared set to chart out their own course ultimately strengthened secular democracy or whether it will be rolled back by swelling masses of working class?

Women’s Rights and the Abolition of Quotas

There are innumerable controversies surrounding this new reformed quota, such as the exclusion of women's reservation in government jobs. Women in Bangladesh constitute 50.49 percent of the population (first time in a country's history) but are still confronted with serious inequalities in access to paid employment (Prothom Alo 2024). Mohammad Moinul Islam on Prothom Alo (2024) wrote, women still participate less in the formal labor market; only 3.4% of jobs are held by women in this sector compared to 21.6% by males Moves inverse the elimination of a former target, which was apparently bent on widening supply gender equality in bangladesh.

Besides, this quota system was a major enabling mechanism for women to enter public service, allowing them an overcoming device of social shackles that had previously impeded their professional development. In its absence, the prospects of narrowing the gender employment Gap now look even bleaker. The protests gradually took on the character of a movement which demanded women's empowerment, and gender equality. Nonetheless, without policies in place to ensure women are incorporated into the labour force, especially in light of the most recent reforms, this raises some questions about how committed the government is to meeting Sustainable Development Goal 5 on achieving gender equality and empowering all women.

A continuing concern is the lack of institutional support for female employment. Women also face significant challenges once they are in the workforce. Women nevertheless face numerous challenges, even in the formal sector: based on discrimination in wages and lack of career advancement opportunities. The July uprising exposed how; even as racial and gender politics intertwined to suit the interests of Bengali muslim straight males, women refused to lower their expectations not only in seeking equitable hiring policies but also more systemic support for their ability to work. Because of the absence of serious reforms, economic empowerment will remain an impossible dream for Bangladesh women.

Minority Rights and the Rise of Fundamentalism
The revised quota policy also leaves much to be desired regarding the representation of marginalized groups. Only 1% government jobs are reserved for indigenous community and 1% for the disabled or transgender community (Jugantor, January, 2024). While this 1% perhaps looks like a proportionate allocation, the indigenous population makes up only about 0.97% of the total population, so it seems fitting. Nonetheless, this information was refuted and some Adibashi leaders thought that the real numbers were a few times higher (Prothom Alo 2024). This means that a fair representation would target a proportional demographic composition, but other systems will not be sufficient to do that.

Besides this, in terms of making their presence felt at work, people from the transgender community in Bangladesh have a long way to go. They are systematically discriminated against and excluded from access to basic services such as education and healthcare. It is for the first time that certain reservations have been made regarding government jobs for people with disabilities and trans people, but the mere 1% has equally come under criticism, most notably by pointing out that being a marginal society, their existence cannot be confined to what the government statistics present. These frustrations were heightened by the protests in July, which saw people from some marginalised groups connecting with students and workers to speak up about their original demands for equal opportunity in public sector employment and a more just representation of be marginalized actors within society.

The vulnerable state of the indigenous community, also, towards systemic alienation. These communities have been left to drift despite assurances of getting representation, no real data and NO specific policy work done concerning their welfare. Recent measures, which reduce their seats to just 1%, will hardly soothe historic grievances. This disappointment just perpetuates the feelings of disillusion these communities have with few prospects for any real change in improving their quality of life.

There have been increased incidents of Islamic fundamentalism with the end of Hasina ruling regime, which began to push away minorities from their safety. And the attacks on cultural and historical symbols, with religious fundamentalists attacking statues, monuments that have secular and cultural identities (Bhattacharya, 2024). This is not just poverty defacing and annihilating 1500 pieces of sculptural decoration—the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman bronzes, the Lady Justice statues, even the murals of tribal anti-colonial heroes Sidhu-Kanhu—it's also erasing an arrayed cultural history of Bangladesh for a purified religious oneness (Bhattacharya, 2024).

Such actions threaten the safety and freedom of minority communities who do not conform to the fundamentalist ideology. For the indigenous and religious minority groups, the resurgence of religious extremism has created a climate of fear, making it even harder for them to access opportunities for economic and social advancement. Their safety and rights are likely to be at risk due to the government's inability to clamp down heavily on fundamentalist forces, who are certain to step up their discrimination against these communities.


References:

Mohammad Moinul Islam in Prothom Alo (2024): Analysis of women's participation in the formal labor market. (https://www.prothomalo.com/opinion/egeihaie8c)

Jugantor (2024): The allocation of quotas for indigenous communities and people with disabilities/transgender. (https://www.jugantor.com/national/829403)

Bhattacharya (2024): The Diplomat article by Snigdhendu Bhattacharya, providing information about the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, destruction of statues, and cultural symbols. (https://thediplomat.com/2024/09/islamic-fundamentalism-raises-its-head-in-post-hasina-bangladesh/)